After using WeChat to fuel the Chinese-Americans for Trump movement, Wang said these days he can go on any number of his WeChat groups and quickly mobilize volunteers to help out when needed. Very, very simple. Chinese Americans are indeed a voting group to watch since their support for the Democratic presidential nominee, Hillary Clinton, appeared to wane compared to President Barack Obama in While Obama got 69 percent of their vote in , Clinton took just 61 percent in , according to the National Asian American Survey. This is important, Ramakrishnan said, because Chinese Americans make up the largest segment of the Asian-American vote.
But in , things were different. Impeachment Inquiry Politics U. Sections U. Follow NBC News. Breaking News Emails Get breaking news alerts and special reports. The news and stories that matter, delivered weekday mornings. Can the DNC change that?
He's a lifelong commercial fisherman and a production operator in the oil fields of Alaska's North Slope, and a proud member of the United Steelworkers union. And Todd is a world champion snow machine racer.
Throw in his Yup'ik Eskimo ancestry, and it all makes for quite a package. And we met in high school. And two decades and five children later, he's still my guy. My mom and dad both worked at the elementary school in our small town. And among the many things I owe them is a simple lesson that I've learned, that this is America, and every woman can walk through every door of opportunity. Long ago, a young farmer and a haberdasher from Missouri, he followed an unlikely path -- he followed an unlikely path to the vice presidency.
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And a writer observed, "We grow good people in our small towns, with honesty and sincerity and dignity," and I know just the kind of people that writer had in mind when he praised Harry Truman. I grew up with those people. They're the ones who do some of the hardest work in America, who grow our food, and run our factories, and fight our wars. They love their country in good times and bad, and they're always proud of America. I had the privilege of living most of my life in a small town. I was just your average hockey mom and signed up for the PTA.
I love those hockey moms. You know, they say the difference between a hockey mom and a pit bull?
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And when I ran for city council, I didn't need focus groups and voter profiles because I knew those voters, and I knew their families, too. I was mayor of my hometown. And since our opponents in this presidential election seem to look down on that experience, let me explain to them what the job involved. I guess -- I guess a small-town mayor is sort of like a community organizer, except that you have actual responsibilities. I might add that, in small towns, we don't quite know what to make of a candidate who lavishes praise on working people when they're listening and then talks about how bitterly they cling to their religion and guns when those people aren't listening.
No, we tend to prefer candidates who don't talk about us one way in Scranton and another way in San Francisco. As for my running mate, you can be certain that wherever he goes and whoever is listening John McCain is the same man. I've learned quickly these last few days that, if you're not a member in good standing of the Washington elite, then some in the media consider a candidate unqualified for that reason alone. Here's a little newsflash for those reporters and commentators: I'm not going to Washington to seek their good opinion.
I'm going to Washington to serve the people of this great country. Americans expect us to go to Washington for the right reason and not just to mingle with the right people. Politics isn't just a game of clashing parties and competing interests. The right reason is to challenge the status quo, to serve the common good, and to leave this nation better than we found it. No one expects us all to agree on everything, but we are expected to govern with integrity, and goodwill, and clear convictions, and a servant's heart.
And I pledge to all Americans that I will carry myself in this spirit as vice president of the United States. Suddenly, I realized that sudden and relentless reform never sits well with entrenched interests and power-brokers. That's why true reform is so hard to achieve. But with the support of the citizens of Alaska, we shook things up. And in short order, we put the government of our state back on the side of the people.
I came to office promising major ethics reform to end the culture of self-dealing. And today, that ethics reform is a law. While I was at it, I got rid of a few things in the governor's office that I didn't believe our citizens should have to pay for. That luxury jet was over-the-top. I love to drive myself to work.
And I thought we could muddle through without the governor's personal chef, although I got to admit that sometimes my kids sure miss her. I came to office promising to control spending, by request if possible, but by veto, if necessary. Senator McCain also -- he promises to use the power of veto in defense of the public interest.
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And as a chief executive, I can assure you it works. Our state budget is under control. We have a surplus. I told the Congress, "Thanks, but no thanks," on that Bridge to Nowhere. When oil and gas prices went up dramatically and filled up the state treasury, I sent a large share of that revenue back where it belonged: directly to the people of Alaska.
And despite fierce opposition from oil company lobbyists, who kind of liked things the way that they were, we broke their monopoly on power and resources. As governor, I insisted on competition and basic fairness to end their control of our state and return it to the people.
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I fought to bring about the largest private-sector infrastructure project in North American history. That pipeline, when the last section is laid and its valves are open, will lead America one step farther away from dependence on dangerous foreign powers that do not have our interests at heart.
The stakes for our nation could not be higher. The committee separately rejected a positively mild resolution designed only to encourage dialogue on the virtue of same-sex marriage, even a year after the United States Supreme Court affirmed the fundamental right of every American to wed the person of their choosing. For a gay conservative—one who served as a spokesman for the Republican National Committee , no less—the challenge of defending my party grew steeper than ever with this new platform.
It would be easier to defend the belief that earth is the center of the universe than some of the nonsense installed as official party dogma for the next four years. That a resolution to acknowledge the diversity of sincerely-held opinions on marriage was even offered is cause for hope.
That it garnered the support of one-fourth of the panel , when only three years earlier the same group unanimously passed expressly anti-gay provisions, is cause for hope.