Captain Arthur Phillip brought military and domestic surveillance to bear immediately he arrived.
He could not have carried out his job otherwise and is what would have been expected from someone with his military intelligence background. The magistrates appointed constables in their domain and determined work conditions. Later administrative changes only formalised the generation of statistics on, for example, numbers of Chinamen, sanitary facilities, single women and unemployed mechanics in regions and districts.
In , following the separation of the police from the magistrates, W. The gold rushes produced a mammoth influx requiring a rapid, further expansion of effort, including legislation such as the Police Regulation Act, hurried in after the Lambing Flat uproar  which continued the centralising trend. It is little known that colonial public services grew three times faster than total populations in this period. Dressed as bushmen, they patrolled the back-roads but complained about their having to observe military-style discipline which isolated them from the general population.
He had access to secret telegraph codes  and authority to open personal mail. Disguises as extensions of plain-clothes are documented elsewhere in the pursuit of bushrangers  , as is the use of the plain clothes disguise by special constables. The only difference in form between the reports on dissidents which now come forward from detectives and uniformed police, and the reports made explicitly for military intelligence during the First World War is the opening sentence indicating who it is for.
It may be in contemplation. Christie later worked on the wharves as a Customs Detective. Parkes had claimed at the time that he knew before the assassination attempt that a plot existed. Publicity plus the legislation during a great public outcry did not hurt his career. Afterwards, embarrassed spies, the judiciary and Parkes assisted with a cover-up of not only the evidence but of the surveillance network itself.
How many extra troops were mobilised? How many extra covert resources were brought in?
What were the politics around the decision-making? There may seem to be no evidence because there is no evidence, which may mean the government of the time saw no need for an application of resources.
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News reports and later academic accounts usually obscure or do not ask — which troops were involved? Queensland had a Detective Branch by , South Australia had 9 full-time detectives by , and so on. One presumes this included anything addressed to local addresses from known activists overseas, such as Most, Tucker, etc. It is unlikely that government resources directed to surveillance and suppression were considered unnecessary.
During the last years of the century as the status-quo won victory after victory, it would have been the only supine administration in the Empire if colonial governments had done nothing in the face of assertions from friends and foes alike that civil war was possible.
Links between the UK power-brokers and colonial capitalists are another element. That there was considerable communication cannot be doubted, that much evidence has been destroyed or secreted away is a probable explanation. He was a committed imperialist, and keenly wanted to set up a global Masonic Parliament to maintain fraternal influence on Whitehall and Downing Street and no doubt on local parliaments. He is known to have carried instructions from the Prince of Wales to try to deflect thoughts of lodge autonomy among local brethren.
Discussed further elsewhere, he was unsuccessful in both of his masonic projects but they were considered achievable at the time. How much local control existed in mainstream editorials is not yet clear, nor the extent to which they employed their own spies as The Times did, for example. The totality of a pre Age summary of what was a life and death struggle excused the use of superior fire-power against un-armed labourers:. Serious riots have broken out among the wharf laborers in Montreal.
They were suppressed by police with considerable difficulty, and not until they had to make use of their firearms to disperse the rioters. Today, an informed attempt to encompass the strands of anarchism in a single definition would be:. Following the lead of its counterparts in the USA  and England,  organised Free Thought in Australia necessarily encompassed breaks with conventional thinking on a broad range of issues.
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The Australasian Secular Association [ASA]was established on 17 July by Thomas Walker who elected himself President and undertook to pay himself a stipend for lecturing, and James Donovan, about whom little is known other than that he was elected Vice-President. He did not remain long in Melbourne, either, but travelled to Sydney and, much later, to Perth where he became a successful and apparently respectable Attorney-General and Parliamentary Speaker.
The ASA flourished without him, attracting a raft of other non-conformists. With the help of Charles Bradlaugh, leading English secularist, the membership obtained the services of English-born Joseph Symes as president, chief lecturer and editor of its journal, The Liberator , from February This paper is started in the interests of freedom, not licence, not lawlessness, but such freedom as is consistent with the rights of all. Aroused by the smugly parochial, wowserish society of Victoria , he led agitations for free speech, an uncensored press, excursion trains and the opening of art galleries and public libraries on Sundays.
Unable to engage reliable counsel, Symes defended himself in the courts and routed his persecutors. Smith went on to say:. These harassments worsened his health and temper. He became dictatorial with his followers and his denunciations of cant became increasingly strident and exhibitionist. He stood in the Legislative Assembly elections of but came last. His programme included land nationalization, graduated income tax, abolition of colonial titles and governorships, a free Sunday, legalized contraception, the ending of discrimination against Chinese, and Home Rule for Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
Being largely self-taught, leading radicals knew the value of written materials and while many worked on newspapers or journals others maintained news agencies. Symes helped his income along with a news agency at the corner of Bourke and Queen Streets, an inner city location. Thirty country towns, in Victoria had distribution outlets for The Liberator. Around half the ASA councilors and a similar percentage of the membership had quickly become disenchanted with him. Most of the executive positions on the Liberator Publishing Coy at its launch were filled by men who had already or later turned to anarchism, the most prominent being the native-born brothers, David and William Andrade,  Fred Upham from Rhode Island, New York,  Donovan and George Newberry, about whom little is known.
After Symes, these were the most active members of the ASA. By , it was a shadow of what it had been when he arrived. Many others followed. In January he resigned the latter position to prepare for his wedding on 6 February to Emma Wickham. One of his last articles as secretary was a biography of W.
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Collins, another secularist lecturer from England, for whom he moved his family to Sydney in May. The people at present put barriers to their own freedom by having governments. Anarchy was what the world needed and progress could only be obtained by individual freedom. He had been introduced at age 10 to factory work which profoundly impaired his health. Getting short-lived employment as a bootmaker, he attended the Second Annual Secular Conference in Sydney and in was Secretary of its Ballarat Vic branch where he would have met Rose Stone, another secularist being harassed by town believers.
No doubt there were non-anglo radicals in Melbourne and in other States but they have not yet been researched.
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As man seeks justice in equality, so society seeks order in anarchy. Arguing for a society made up of small-scale producers freely associating to exchange labor products equivalent in value, Proudhon believed in change to a just society through principle, not revolution. When [Josiah] Warren and Proudhon, in prosecuting their search for justice to labour, came face to face with the obstacle of class monopolies, they saw that these monopolies rested upon Authority, and concluded that the thing to be done was, not to strengthen this Authority and thus make monopoly universal, but to utterly uproot Authority and give full sway to the opposite principle, liberty, by making competition…universal….
The Manchester men [Ricardo, etc] were… inconsistent. They believed in liberty to compete with the labourer in order to reduce his wages, but not in liberty to compete with the capitalist in order to reduce his usury. H Cole was debating the same issues thirty years later:. Socialists have all too often fixed their eyes upon the material misery of the poor without realizing that it rests upon the spiritual degradation of the slave.
They involve three inter-related questions: the constituency of the movement; the structure of the movement; and the role of the state and organised politics. Closely related questions are about the forms of ownership and of decision-making. The future organisation of society should be carried out entirely from below upwards, by the free association and federation of the workers in associations first of all, then in communes, in regions, in nations and finally in a great international and universal federation.
It is only then that the true and invigorating order of liberty and general happiness will be established, that order which far from denying either of them, affirms and brings into harmony the interests of individuals and of society. He regarded conflict and struggle, even in a fully evolved, future society as inevitable and natural, and thus he pre-supposed the need articulated by twentieth century anarchists to develop insights into healthy resolution of conflict as alternatives to either State surveillance or personal and mass violence.
It will then become unnecessary to destroy men and reap the inevitable reaction which massacres of human beings have never failed and never will fail to produce in every society. It will not be surprising if the rebellious people kill a great many of [the oppressors] at first. This will be a misfortune…and as quickly over; but…neither moral nor even useful. In an age of imperialist image-making, the temptations for bombast and for provocation are obvious. Cranks, would-be politicians and police spies infiltrated meetings until it became difficult to determine who was a mercenary and who a genuine believer.